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Title : standard furniture embassy hall
standard furniture embassy hall
general assembly president: on behalf of the general assembly, i have the honor to welcome to the united nations his excellency barack obama, the president of the united states of america and to invite him to address the assembly. president obama: mr. president, mr. secretarygeneral, fellow delegates, ladies and gentlemen: seventy years after the founding of the unitednations, it is worth reflecting on what, together, the members of this body have helped to achieve.out of the ashes of the second world war, having witnessed the unthinkable power ofthe atomic age, the united states has worked with many nations in this assembly to preventa third world war -- by forging alliances with old adversaries; by supporting the steadyemergence of strong democracies accountable
to their people instead of any foreign power;and by building an international system that imposes a cost on those who choose conflictover cooperation, an order that recognizes the dignity and equal worth of all people.that is the work of seven decades. that is the ideal that this body, at its best, haspursued. of course, there have been too many times when, collectively, we have fallen shortof these ideals. over seven decades, terrible conflicts have claimed untold victims. butwe have pressed forward, slowly, steadily, to make a system of international rules andnorms that are better and stronger and more consistent.it is this international order that has underwritten unparalleled advances in human liberty andprosperity. it is this collective endeavor
that’s brought about diplomatic cooperationbetween the world’s major powers, and buttressed a global economy that has lifted more thana billion people from poverty. it is these international principles that helped constrainbigger countries from imposing our will on smaller ones, and advanced the emergence ofdemocracy and development and individual liberty on every continent.this progress is real. it can be documented in lives saved, and agreements forged, anddiseases conquered, and in mouths fed. and yet, we come together today knowing that themarch of human progress never travels in a straight line, that our work is far from complete;that dangerous currents risk pulling us back into a darker, more disordered world.today, we see the collapse of strongmen and
fragile states breeding conflict, and drivinginnocent men, women and children across borders on an epoch scale. brutal networks of terrorhave stepped into the vacuum. technologies that empower individuals are now also exploitedby those who spread disinformation, or suppress dissent, or radicalize our youth. global capitalflows have powered growth and investment, but also increased risk of contagion, weakenedthe bargaining power of workers, and accelerated inequality.how should we respond to these trends? there are those who argue that the ideals enshrinedin the u.n. charter are unachievable or out of date -- a legacy of a postwar era not suitedto our own. effectively, they argue for a return to the rules that applied for mostof human history and that pre-date this institution:
the belief that power is a zero-sum game;that might makes right; that strong states must impose their will on weaker ones; thatthe rights of individuals don’t matter; and that in a time of rapid change, ordermust be imposed by force. on this basis, we see some major powers assertthemselves in ways that contravene international law. we see an erosion of the democratic principlesand human rights that are fundamental to this institution’s mission; information is strictlycontrolled, the space for civil society restricted. we’re told that such retrenchment is requiredto beat back disorder; that it’s the only way to stamp out terrorism, or prevent foreignmeddling. in accordance with this logic, we should support tyrants like bashar al-assad,who drops barrel bombs to massacre innocent
children, because the alternative is surelyworse. the increasing skepticism of our internationalorder can also be found in the most advanced democracies. we see greater polarization,more frequent gridlock; movements on the far right, and sometimes the left, that insiston stopping the trade that binds our fates to other nations, calling for the buildingof walls to keep out immigrants. most ominously, we see the fears of ordinary people beingexploited through appeals to sectarianism, or tribalism, or racism, or anti-semitism;appeals to a glorious past before the body politic was infected by those who look different,or worship god differently; a politics of us versus them.the united states is not immune from this.
even as our economy is growing and our troopshave largely returned from iraq and afghanistan, we see in our debates about america’s rolein the world a notion of strength that is defined by opposition to old enemies, perceivedadversaries, a rising china, or a resurgent russia; a revolutionary iran, or an islamthat is incompatible with peace. we see an argument made that the only strength thatmatters for the united states is bellicose words and shows of military force; that cooperationand diplomacy will not work. as president of the united states, i am mindfulof the dangers that we face; they cross my desk every morning. i lead the strongest militarythat the world has ever known, and i will never hesitate to protect my country or ourallies, unilaterally and by force where necessary.
but i stand before you today believing inmy core that we, the nations of the world, cannot return to the old ways of conflictand coercion. we cannot look backwards. we live in an integrated world -- one in whichwe all have a stake in each other’s success. we cannot turn those forces of integration.no nation in this assembly can insulate itself from the threat of terrorism, or the riskof financial contagion; the flow of migrants, or the danger of a warming planet. the disorderwe see is not driven solely by competition between nations or any single ideology. andif we cannot work together more effectively, we will all suffer the consequences. thatis true for the united states, as well. no matter how powerful our military, how strongour economy, we understand the united states
cannot solve the world’s problems alone.in iraq, the united states learned the hard lesson that even hundreds of thousands ofbrave, effective troops, trillions of dollars from our treasury, cannot by itself imposestability on a foreign land. unless we work with other nations under the mantle of internationalnorms and principles and law that offer legitimacy to our efforts, we will not succeed. and unlesswe work together to defeat the ideas that drive different communities in a country likeiraq into conflict, any order that our militaries can impose will be temporary.just as force alone cannot impose order internationally, i believe in my core that repression cannotforge the social cohesion for nations to succeed. the history of the last two decades provesthat in today’s world, dictatorships are
unstable. the strongmen of today become thespark of revolution tomorrow. you can jail your opponents, but you can’t imprison ideas.you can try to control access to information, but you cannot turn a lie into truth. it isnot a conspiracy of u.s.-backed ngos that expose corruption and raise the expectationsof people around the globe; it’s technology, social media, and the irreducible desire ofpeople everywhere to make their own choices about how they are governed.indeed, i believe that in today’s world, the measure of strength is no longer definedby the control of territory. lasting prosperity does not come solely from the ability to accessand extract raw materials. the strength of nations depends on the success of their people-- their knowledge, their innovation, their
imagination, their creativity, their drive,their opportunity -- and that, in turn, depends upon individual rights and good governanceand personal security. internal repression and foreign aggression are both symptoms ofthe failure to provide this foundation. a politics and solidarity that depend on demonizingothers, that draws on religious sectarianism or narrow tribalism or jingoism may at timeslook like strength in the moment, but over time its weakness will be exposed. and historytells us that the dark forces unleashed by this type of politics surely makes all ofus less secure. our world has been there before. we gain nothing from going back.instead, i believe that we must go forward in pursuit of our ideals, not abandon themat this critical time. we must give expression
to our best hopes, not our deepest fears.this institution was founded because men and women who came before us had the foresightto know that our nations are more secure when we uphold basic laws and basic norms, andpursue a path of cooperation over conflict. and strong nations, above all, have a responsibilityto uphold this international order. let me give you a concrete example. afteri took office, i made clear that one of the principal achievements of this body -- thenuclear non-proliferation regime -- was endangered by iran’s violation of the npt. on thatbasis, the security council tightened sanctions on the iranian government, and many nationsjoined us to enforce them. together, we showed that laws and agreements mean something.but we also understood that the goal of sanctions
was not simply to punish iran. our objectivewas to test whether iran could change course, accept constraints, and allow the world toverify that its nuclear program will be peaceful. for two years, the united states and our partners-- including russia, including china -- stuck together in complex negotiations. the resultis a lasting, comprehensive deal that prevents iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, whileallowing it to access peaceful energy. and if this deal is fully implemented, the prohibitionon nuclear weapons is strengthened, a potential war is averted, our world is safer. that isthe strength of the international system when it works the way it should.that same fidelity to international order guides our responses to other challenges aroundthe world. consider russia’s annexation
of crimea and further aggression in easternukraine. america has few economic interests in ukraine. we recognize the deep and complexhistory between russia and ukraine. but we cannot stand by when the sovereignty and territorialintegrity of a nation is flagrantly violated. if that happens without consequence in ukraine,it could happen to any nation gathered here today. that’s the basis of the sanctionsthat the united states and our partners impose on russia. it's not a desire to return toa cold war. now, within russia, state-controlled mediamay describe these events as an example of a resurgent russia -- a view shared, by theway, by a number of u.s. politicians and commentators who have always been deeply skeptical of russia,and seem to be convinced a new cold war is,
in fact, upon us. and yet, look at the results.the ukrainian people are more interested than ever in aligning with europe instead of russia.sanctions have led to capital flight, a contracting economy, a fallen ruble, and the emigrationof more educated russians. imagine if, instead, russia had engaged intrue diplomacy, and worked with ukraine and the international community to ensure itsinterests were protected. that would be better for ukraine, but also better for russia, andbetter for the world -- which is why we continue to press for this crisis to be resolved ina way that allows a sovereign and democratic ukraine to determine its future and controlits territory. not because we want to isolate russia -- we don't -- but because we wanta strong russia that’s invested in working
with us to strengthen the international systemas a whole. similarly, in the south china sea, the unitedstates makes no claim on territory there. we don't adjudicate claims. but like everynation gathered here, we have an interest in upholding the basic principles of freedomof navigation and the free flow of commerce, and in resolving disputes through internationallaw, not the law of force. so we will defend these principles, while encouraging chinaand other claimants to resolve their differences peacefully.i say this, recognizing that diplomacy is hard; that the outcomes are sometimes unsatisfying;that it's rarely politically popular. but i believe that leaders of large nations, inparticular, have an obligation to take these
risks -- precisely because we are strong enoughto protect our interests if, and when, diplomacy fails.i also believe that to move forward in this new era, we have to be strong enough to acknowledgewhen what you’re doing is not working. for 50 years, the united states pursued a cubapolicy that failed to improve the lives of the cuban people. we changed that. we continueto have differences with the cuban government. we will continue to stand up for human rights.but we address these issues through diplomatic relations, and increased commerce, and people-to-peopleties. as these contacts yield progress, i’m confident that our congress will inevitablylift an embargo that should not be in place anymore. (applause.) change won’t come overnightto cuba, but i’m confident that openness,
not coercion, will support the reforms andbetter the life the cuban people deserve, just as i believe that cuba will find itssuccess if it pursues cooperation with other nations.now, if it’s in the interest of major powers to uphold international standards, it is evenmore true for the rest of the community of nations. look around the world. from singaporeto colombia to senegal, the facts shows that nations succeed when they pursue an inclusivepeace and prosperity within their borders, and work cooperatively with countries beyondtheir borders. that path is now available to a nation likeiran, which, as of this moment, continues to deploy violent proxies to advance its interests.these efforts may appear to give iran leverage
in disputes with neighbors, but they fuelsectarian conflict that endangers the entire region, and isolates iran from the promiseof trade and commerce. the iranian people have a proud history, and are filled withextraordinary potential. but chanting “death to america†does not create jobs, or makeiran more secure. if iran chose a different path, that would be good for the securityof the region, good for the iranian people, and good for the world.of course, around the globe, we will continue to be confronted with nations who reject theselessons of history, places where civil strife, border disputes, and sectarian wars bringabout terrorist enclaves and humanitarian disasters. where order has completely brokendown, we must act, but we will be stronger
when we act together.in such efforts, the united states will always do our part. we will do so mindful of thelessons of the past -- not just the lessons of iraq, but also the example of libya, wherewe joined an international coalition under a u.n. mandate to prevent a slaughter. evenas we helped the libyan people bring an end to the reign of a tyrant, our coalition couldhave and should have done more to fill a vacuum left behind. we’re grateful to the unitednations for its efforts to forge a unity government. we will help any legitimate libyan governmentas it works to bring the country together. but we also have to recognize that we mustwork more effectively in the future, as an international community, to build capacityfor states that are in distress, before they
collapse.and that’s why we should celebrate the fact that later today the united states will joinwith more than 50 countries to enlist new capabilities -- infantry, intelligence, helicopters,hospitals, and tens of thousands of troops -- to strengthen united nations peacekeeping.(applause.) these new capabilities can prevent mass killing, and ensure that peace agreementsare more than words on paper. but we have to do it together. together, we must strengthenour collective capacity to establish securitywhere order has broken down,
and to support those who seeka just and lasting peace. nowhere is our commitment to internationalorder more tested than in syria. when a dictator slaughters tens of thousandsof his own people, that is not just a matter ofone nation’s internal affairs -- it breeds human suffering onan order of magnitude that affects us all. likewise, when a terrorist group beheads captives,slaughters the innocent and enslaves women, that’s not a single nation’s nationalsecurity problem -- that is an assault on all humanity.i’ve said before and i will repeat: there is no room for accommodating an apocalypticcult like isil, and the united states makes
no apologies for using our military, as partof a broad coalition, to go after them. we do so with a determination to ensure thatthere will never be a safe haven for terrorists who carry out these crimes. and we have demonstratedover more than a decade of relentless pursuit of al qaeda, we will not be outlasted by extremists.but while military power is necessary, it is not sufficient to resolve the situationin syria. lasting stability can only take hold when the people of syria forge an agreementto live together peacefully. the united states is prepared to work with any nation, includingrussia and iran, to resolve the conflict. but we must recognize that there cannot be,after so much bloodshed, so much carnage, a return to the pre-war status quo.let’s remember how this started. assad reacted
to peaceful protests by escalating repressionand killing that, in turn, created the environment for the current strife. and so assad and hisallies cannot simply pacify the broad majority of a population who have been brutalized bychemical weapons and indiscriminate bombing. yes, realism dictates that compromise willbe required to end the fighting and ultimately stamp out isil. but realism also requiresa managed transition away from assad and to a new leader, and an inclusive governmentthat recognizes there must be an end to this chaos so that the syrian people can beginto rebuild. we know that isil -- which emerged out ofthe chaos of iraq and syria -- depends on perpetual war to survive. but we also knowthat they gain adherents because of a poisonous
ideology. so part of our job, together, isto work to reject such extremism that infects too many of our young people. part of thateffort must be a continued rejection by muslims of those who distort islam to preach intoleranceand promote violence, and it must also a rejection by non-muslims of the ignorance that equatesislam with terror. (applause.)this work will take time. there are no easy answers to syria. and there are no simpleanswers to the changes that are taking place in much of the middle east and north africa.but so many families need help right now; they don’t have time. and that’s why theunited states is increasing the number of refugees who we welcome within our borders.that’s why we will continue to be the largest
donor of assistance to support those refugees.and today we are launching new efforts to ensure that our people and our businesses,our universities and our ngos can help as well -- because in the faces of sufferingfamilies, our nation of immigrants sees ourselves. of course, in the old ways of thinking, theplight of the powerless, the plight of refugees, the plight of the marginalized did not matter.they were on the periphery of the world’s concerns. today, our concern for them is drivennot just by conscience, but should also be drive by self-interest. for helping peoplewho have been pushed to the margins of our world is not mere charity, it is a matterof collective security. and the purpose of this institution is not merely to avoid conflict,it is to galvanize the collective action that
makes life better on this planet.the commitments we’ve made to the sustainable development goals speak to this truth. i believethat capitalism has been the greatest creator of wealth and opportunity that the world hasever known. but from big cities to rural villages around the world, we also know that prosperityis still cruelly out of reach for too many. as his holiness pope francis reminds us, weare stronger when we value the least among these, and see them as equal in dignity toourselves and our sons and our daughters. we can roll back preventable disease and endthe scourge of hiv/aids. we can stamp out pandemics that recognize no borders. thatwork may not be on television right now, but as we demonstrated in reversing the spreadof ebola, it can save more lives than anything
else we can do.together, we can eradicate extreme poverty and erase barriers to opportunity. but thisrequires a sustained commitment to our people -- so farmers can feed more people; so entrepreneurscan start a business without paying a bribe; so young people have the skills they needto succeed in this modern, knowledge-based economy.we can promote growth through trade that meets a higher standard. and that’s what we’redoing through the trans-pacific partnership -- a trade agreement that encompasses nearly40 percent of the global economy; an agreement that will open markets, while protecting therights of workers and protecting the environment that enables development to be sustained.we can roll back the pollution that we put
in our skies, and help economies lift peopleout of poverty without condemning our children to the ravages of an ever-warming climate.the same ingenuity that produced the industrial age and the computer age allows us to harnessthe potential of clean energy. no country can escape the ravages of climate change.and there is no stronger sign of leadership than putting future generations first. theunited states will work with every nation that is willing to do its part so that wecan come together in paris to decisively confront this challenge.and finally, our vision for the future of this assembly, my belief in moving forwardrather than backwards, requires us to defend the democratic principles that allow societiesto succeed. let me start from a simple premise:
catastrophes, like what we are seeing in syria,do not take place in countries where there is genuine democracy and respect for the universalvalues this institution is supposed to defend. (applause.)i recognize that democracy is going to take different forms in different parts of theworld. the very idea of a people governing themselves depends upon government givingexpression to their unique culture, their unique history, their unique experiences.but some universal truths are self-evident. no person wants to be imprisoned for peacefulworship. no woman should ever be abused with impunity, or a girl barred from going to school.the freedom to peacefully petition those in power without fear of arbitrary laws -- theseare not ideas of one country or one culture.
they are fundamental to human progress. theyare a cornerstone of this institution. i realize that in many parts of the worldthere is a different view -- a belief that strong leadership must tolerate no dissent.i hear it not only from america’s adversaries, but privately at least i also hear it fromsome of our friends. i disagree. i believe a government that suppresses peaceful dissentis not showing strength; it is showing weakness and it is showing fear. (applause.) historyshows that regimes who fear their own people will eventually crumble, but strong institutionsbuilt on the consent of the governed endure long after any one individual is gone.that's why our strongest leaders -- from george washington to nelson mandela -- have elevatedthe importance of building strong, democratic
institutions over a thirst for perpetual power.leaders who amend constitutions to stay in office only acknowledge that they failed tobuild a successful country for their people -- because none of us last forever. it tellsus that power is something they cling to for its own sake, rather than for the bettermentof those they purport to serve. i understand democracy is frustrating. democracyin the united states is certainly imperfect. at times, it can even be dysfunctional. butdemocracy -- the constant struggle to extend rights to more of our people, to give morepeople a voice -- is what allowed us to become the most powerful nation in the world.(applause.) it's not simply a matter of principle; it'snot an abstraction. democracy -- inclusive
democracy -- makes countries stronger. whenopposition parties can seek power peacefully through the ballot, a country draws upon newideas. when a free media can inform the public, corruption and abuse are exposed and can berooted out. when civil society thrives, communities can solve problems that governments cannotnecessarily solve alone. when immigrants are welcomed, countries are more productive andmore vibrant. when girls can go to school, and get a job, and pursue unlimited opportunity,that’s when a country realizes its full potential. (applause.)that is what i believe is america’s greatest strength. not everybody in america agreeswith me. that's part of democracy. i believe that the fact that you can walk the streetsof this city right now and pass churches and
synagogues and temples and mosques, wherepeople worship freely; the fact that our nation of immigrants mirrors the diversity of theworld -- you can find everybody from everywhere here in new york city -- (applause) -- thefact that, in this country, everybody can contribute, everybody can participate no matterwho they are, or what they look like, or who they love -- that's what makes us strong.and i believe that what is true for america is true for virtually all mature democracies.and that is no accident. we can be proud of our nations without defining ourselves inopposition to some other group. we can be patriotic without demonizing someone else.we can cherish our own identities -- our religion, our ethnicity, our traditions -- without puttingothers down. our systems are premised on the
notion that absolute power will corrupt, butthat people -- ordinary people -- are fundamentally good; that they value family and friendship,faith and the dignity of hard work; and that with appropriate checks and balances, governmentscan reflect this goodness. i believe that’s the future we must seektogether. to believe in the dignity of every individual, to believe we can bridge our differences,and choose cooperation over conflict -- that is not weakness, that is strength. (applause.)it is a practical necessity in this interconnected world.and our people understand this. think of the liberian doctor who went door-to-door to searchfor ebola cases, and to tell families what to do if they show symptoms. think of theiranian shopkeeper who said, after the nuclear
deal, “god willing, now we’ll be ableto offer many more goods at better prices.†think of the americans who lowered the flagover our embassy in havana in 1961 -- the year i was born -- and returned this summerto raise that flag back up. (applause.)one of these men said of the cuban people, “we could do things for them, and they coulddo things for us. we loved them.†for 50 years, we ignored that fact.think of the families leaving everything they’ve known behind, risking barren deserts and stormywaters just to find shelter; just to save their children. one syrian refugee who wasgreeted in hamburg with warm greetings and shelter, said, “we feel there are stillsome people who love other people.â€
the people of our united nations are not asdifferent as they are told. they can be made to fear; they can be taught to hate -- butthey can also respond to hope. history is littered with the failure of false prophetsand fallen empires who believed that might always makes right, and that will continueto be the case. you can count on that. but we are called upon to offer a different typeof leadership -- leadership strong enough to recognize that nations share common interestsand people share a common humanity, and, yes, there are certain ideas and principlesthat are universal. that's what those who shaped the united nations70 years ago understood. let us carry forward that faithinto the future --
for it is the only way we can assurethat future will be brighter for my children, and for yours. thank you very much. (applause)